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10 March 2002 Ferris Wheels Within Wheels —by Pat Leahy, Sunday Business Post Martin Ferris, Age: 45, Appearance: Avuncular, middle-aged yachtsman. Newsworthiness: Sinn Féin's candidate in North Kerry, he has been hit in recent weeks by falling poll ratings and arrests of his supporters 'He's rattled," came the word from Kerry when last week's opinion poll predicted Martin Ferris would be among the also-rans in the general election. "I spoke to him this morning and he's definitely rattled. Imagine! A Shinner rattled by an opinion poll!" Imagine, indeed. But rattled Ferris and his lieutenants were. Since his release from prison in 1994 — prior to any Good Friday Agreement releases, mind — democracy and electoral politics have been good to Ferris and to Sinn Féin in North Kerry. He had been widely tipped to take a seat as one of a numerous fresh crop of Sinn Féin TDs, set fair to transform the political landscape of the Republic. The established parties were terrified. Now that scenario seems to be unravelling. Last week's opinion poll in Kerry indicated that Ferris would repeat his vote of 1997, but not much more than that, and would again miss out on a seat. And if Ferris isn't winning a seat, it's odds on that the hopes of a few more heretofore optimistic Sinn Féin candidates are likely to be dashed as well. The Sunday Independent could hardly contain itself. As well as the reversal in the opinion polls — which, it should be remembered, are no more than indicative at best — perhaps more serious for Ferris was the arrest of his director of elections (followed by several other Sinn Féin supporters) on suspicion of involvement with the abduction and beating of a suspected drug-peddler in Castleisland before Christmas. He was later released without charge, although a file was sent to the DPP. Ferris immediately cried foul, as did Gerry Adams. But the issue will not go away, and exposed a faultline in the Sinn Féin election platform. It posed in stark terms a question that may be one of the keys to the forthcoming election: can Sinn Féin reconcile the activities of some of those — rightly or wrongly — associated in the public mind with the party with its avowed, if relatively recent, commitment to the democratic process? Just as loudly as some trumpet their accusations of Sinn Féin involvement in vigilante activity, the party protests its innocence and demands that evidence is produced. Ferris has repeatedly challenged his opponents to back up their accusations with some demonstrable facts, most recently on an RTE Prime Time programme. Ferris's opponents, both in the constituency and in the media, have declined to do so, prefering to rely on the 'everyone knows the Shinners are involved' argument. "Everyone knows they're at it," said one senior political source on cue last week. "Come on, if it's not them, then who is it? The Vincent de Paul?" Sinn Féin have complained loudly about the recent arrests by the gardai. It has been expected for some time that the gardai in Kerry would have 'something to send to the DPP' regarding the vigilante activity. But Sinn Féin have also been involved in 'crime-solving' in the constituency. Victims of robberies approached the party, who made enquiries and 'approached' certain parties. In a number of cases stolen property was handed back. Ferris himself described this last year as a "personal approach that got through to people". The personal approach may appeal to the Sinn Féin core vote, but it's unlikely to attract the extra votes necessary to win this seat and others. Sinn Féin's crime-busting seems to have abated of late. On one level, producing evidence of Sinn Féin involvement in beatings does not really matter. Even if they are not involved, the simple fact is that the majority of people believe that they are. How do they prove their innocence? Sources on the ground in Kerry point to the flurry of vigilante activity in the county in advance of the 1997 general election. Sinn Féin were warning of the 'drugs menace' faced by young people in Kerry; simultaneously, suspected drug dealers were being beaten up by masked men. Garda figures suggest up to 20 beatings at the time. The Ferris vote soared to 16 per cent. It was the second highest Sinn Féin vote in the country after Caoimhin ó Caoláin in Cavan-Monaghan, but not enough to win a seat in a three-seat constituency. In the few years following the 1997 election, Ferris's popularity increased further. As the IRA faced up to tough decisions such as decommissioning, the doves were able to point to events such as Ferris topping the poll in the 1999 local election as strong arguments for the peace process. Twelve months ago a private Fianna Fáil poll in the constituency showed that Ferris was touching 30 per cent support, enough comfortably to give him a seat on the first count. Last October, a TG4 poll had him at 23 per cent — a significant drop, but still enough to send him to the Dáil. Two weeks ago a Prime Time poll put his support at 17 per cent, enough only to secure fourth place in an election. Local commentators suspect that the poll may have underestimated Ferris support, and say that he is still very much in the hunt for a seat. "If I was a bookie, I'd have them all on even money," said one experienced local observer. The fall in Sinn Féin support may have to do with a recovery in the Fianna Fáil position, itself not unaffected by a series of announcements of goodies for the constituency since last year. But certainly the poll has dented Sinn Féin hopes of pulling in the ten seats (some predictions had it as high as 15) that some commentators were suggesting only recently. According to some local analysts, there is a hard core of Sinn Féin support unconcerned by allegations of involvement in the beating of suspected drug-dealers; attempts to reach out for a broader support base are damaged by precisely such slightly constitutional activites. It is problem that the party faces beyond North Kerry. Now aged 45 and married with six children, Ferris has been an active republican since 1970. More than that, he has been a soldier. A useful footballer in his youth who played minor for Kerry — no mean political currency, either — he was first jailed for IRA membership in 1975. He was convicted of the same offence a year later, on both occasions receiving a 12-month sentence. In 1977 he received a suspended sentence and was fined for assaulting a garda. As well as IRA activities, Ferris was on the executive of Sinn Féin. He was one of the best-known republicans in Munster. So when a trawler, the Marita Ann, was intercepted two miles from the Skellig Rocks off the coast of Kerry in 1984 with a cargo of arms, perhaps no one was entirely amazed when Ferris turned up as one of the crew. The cargo had come from the the United States and consisted of seven tonnes of rifles, pistols, submachine guns, rockets, hand grenades and ammunition; it was the largest arms haul in the history of the state. The authorities were ecstatic with the coup, and none more so than Michael Noonan, who was Minister for Justice. Reports at the time suggested that the gardai had been acting on information from the British and American authorities. The Marita Ann had rendezvoused with an American vessel at the Porcupine Bank, 140 miles off the coast of Kerry. The US let it be known that they had tracked the American vessel by satellite all the way across the Atlantic. Years later, IRA informer Sean O'Callaghan claimed credit for the tipoff. Ferris was sentenced to ten years in prison. The Sinn Féin-supplied biography refers to him being "jailed for his political beliefs". He was 28, and widely thought to be the IRA commander in Kerry. When Ferris was released in 1994 his welcome home party was attended by 2,000 people. As ever, the Special Branch sat outside in an unmarked car. He would have to get used to their presence. Following Ferris's impressive showing in 1997 (when he got 7,294 votes), An Phoblacht reported that a Sinn Féin supporter approached a watching Branch garda and told him that he would be extra-busy in future. Why? Because they would have 7,294 houses to raid. Ferris threw himself into political activism. He is widely regarded as a hardworking public representative with a can-do reputation. As well as devoting himself full time to the Sinn Féin organisation in Kerry, Ferris was and remains an important part of Gerry Adams's inner circle. He is a part of their highest-ranking delegations. During tortuous Stormont negotiations, from the Good Friday Agreement to the periodic crises that followed it, Ferris appeared at his leader's side, a reassuring presence for the hardliners. "Only a soldier could do that," said one source familiar with republican thinking. There's no doubting the respect that Ferris commands in all strands of the republican movement. One source recalls being in Kerry in the company of republicans during the late 1980s. Late one night a singsong developed. "They were singing Sean South of Garryowen, but inserting Ferris's named in the chorus," he recalled. "Clearly, he was Mr IRA in Kerry, and in Munster, really." Even in the post-Good Friday Agreement world, deeds on active service are the currency in the republican movement. Even if they are played down for the purposes of the outside world, for internal consumption they are an unspoken authority. Ferris, in one sense, has the best of both worlds; he was a gunrunner, sure, but will never be known as a murderer like some of his comrades. "He has this reputation," said one source, emphasising the last word. "Then he comes up to you and addresses you in this soft Kerry accent and makes you feel like the most important person in the room. It's quite captivating, really." "He has this country exterior," said another source. "He comes across as naive, innocent even. I mean, that has to be crap." Another source says he is a formidable political package. He has charisma, ability, political gifts and, of course, the whiff of sulphur. Pausing momentarily, he sums him up: "He's the Martin McGuinness of the south." Page updated 7 Sep 2008 Ireland's OWN Logo by Eamann Website Design and Celtic Background by Míchealín Daugherty Copyright © 2008 Ireland's OWN All Rights Reserved.